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Fact Sheet #21
The Refugees
The Road Map, like Resolution 242, calls for a just solution
to the refugee issue. This does not apply only to the Palestinians. Two refugee
problems were products of the conflict – one Arab and the other Jewish.
Although much is heard about the plight of the Palestinian
refugees, little is said about the Jews who fled from Arab states. In 1947,
nearly 900,000 Jews lived in communities throughout the Arab world, some of
which were more than 2,500 years old. After the Palestinians rejected the UN
decision to create a Jewish and Arab state in Palestine, however, the Jews, who
had long lived peacefully with their neighbors, became targets of their
governments’ anti-Zionist fervor.
During the 1947 UN debate on Palestine, Egypt’s delegate told
the General Assembly: “The lives of one million Jews in Muslim countries would
be jeopardized by partition.” This dire warning soon came true.
In Syria, anti-Jewish pogroms erupted in Aleppo in 1947,
stimulating 7,000 of the town’s 10,000 Jews to flee in terror. The government
then froze Jewish bank accounts and confiscated their property. In Iraq, Zionism
became a capital crime. More than 70 Jews were killed by bombs in the Jewish
Quarter of Cairo between June and November 1948. After the French left Algeria,
the authorities issued a variety of anti-Jewish decrees prompting nearly all of
the 160,000 Jews to flee the country. After the partition vote, Muslim rioters
engaged in a bloody pogrom in Aden, Yemen, which killed 82 Jews. Soon the
situation grew so perilous, virtually the entire 50,000-person Yemenite Jewish
community immigrated to Israel.
More than 100 UN resolutions relate to the Palestinian
refugees, but not one addresses Jewish refugees.
Palestinians complain that they lost their homes and property
when they left Israel in 1948, but a similar number of Jews were forced out of
Arab countries. The Jews also left their homes and property behind, but, unlike
the case of the Palestinians, no international effort was made to compensate
them.
Little is heard about the Jewish refugees because they did
not remain refugees for long. Of the 820,000 Jewish refugees between 1948 and
1972, 586,000 were resettled in Israel at great expense, and without any offer
of compensation from the Arab governments who confiscated their
possessions.
The contrast between the treatment of Jewish and Palestinian
refugees is even starker when one considers the difference in cultural and
geographic dislocation experienced by the two groups. Most Jewish refugees
traveled hundreds — and some traveled thousands — of miles to a tiny country
whose inhabitants spoke a different language. Most Arab refugees never left
Palestine at all; they traveled a few miles to the other side of the truce line,
remaining inside the vast Arab nation that they were part of linguistically,
culturally and ethnically.
Jordan was the only Arab country to welcome the Palestinians
and grant them citizenship. Arab governments have frequently offered jobs,
housing, land and other benefits to Arabs and non-Arabs, excluding Palestinians.
One exception was Kuwait, which employed large numbers of Palestinians (but
denied them citizenship). After the 1991 Gulf War, more than 300,000
Palestinians were expelled. “If people pose a security threat, as a sovereign
country we have the right to exclude anyone we don't want,” explained Kuwait’s
Ambassador to the United States, Saud Nasir.
Should Israel be punished for its compassion and efficiency
in taking in evicted and homeless Jews? Should the Arab states be rewarded for
discriminating against and even expelling Jews, confiscating their possessions
and cynically using their Arab brethren as a political tool rather than taking
them in?
Any agreement to compensate the Palestinian refugees must
also include Arab compensation for Jewish refugees. While Israel paid
compensation to thousands of Palestinians, the Arab states have refused to pay
any compensation to the hundreds of thousands of Jews who were forced to abandon
their property before fleeing those countries.
When plans for setting up a state were made in early 1948,
Jewish leaders in Palestine expected the new nation to include a significant
Arab population. The Palestinian Arabs were given an opportunity to stay in
their homes and be a part of the new state. Approximately 160,000 Arabs chose to
do so and became full citizens of Israel.
Today, the UN says that 3.9 million Palestinians are
refugees. The current population of Israel is approximately 6 million, 5 million
of whom are Jews. If the refugees were allowed into Israel, the population would
be nearly 10 million and the proportion of Jews and Palestinian Arabs would be
nearly 50-50. Given the higher Arab birth rate, Israel would soon cease to be a
Jewish state and would de facto become a second Palestinian state (along with
the one expected to be created on the West Bank and Gaza Strip). This suicidal
formula has been rejected by Israel since the end of the 1948 war and is totally
unacceptable to all Israelis today.
A parallel can be drawn to the time of the American
Revolution, during which many colonists who were loyal to England fled to
Canada. The British wanted he newly formed republic to allow the loyalists to
return to claim their property. Benjamin Franklin rejected this suggestion in
1782, “Your ministers require that we should receive again into our bosom those
who have been our bitterest enemies and restore their properties who have
destroyed ours: and this while the wounds they have given us are still
bleeding!”
Even respected Palestinian leaders acknowledge that it is a
mistake to insist that Israel accept millions of Palestinian refugees. Sari
Nusseibeh, a widely respected Palestinian moderate said, for example, the
refugees should be resettled in a future Palestinian state, “not in a way that
would undermine the existence of the State of Israel as a predominantly Jewish
state. Otherwise, what does a two-state solution mean?”
Ironically, Palestinians never talk about the refugees
becoming citizens of a Palestinian state; they only demand that they be allowed
to go to a different state, namely Israel. If and when a Palestinian state is
created, the refugees should be allowed to move there, but the Palestinian
leadership has expressed no interest in absorbing their fellow
Palestinians.
The Palestinian Authority now controls nearly half the
Palestinian refugee camps and more than half of the refugees (the rest are in
Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria). After receiving more than $5 billion in
international aid, why hasn’t the PA dismantled the camps and moved the refugees
into permanent housing? Has the PA built even one house for a refugee in the
last 10 years? Journalist Netty Gross visited Gaza and asked an official why the
camps there hadn't been dismantled. She was told the Palestinian Authority had
made a “political decision” not to do anything.
In the context of a peace settlement, Israel could be
expected to accept some refugees, as David Ben-Gurion said he would do more than
50 years ago. In fact, since Oslo, Israel has allowed more than 100,000 refugees
to come to Israel on humanitarian grounds. Compensation for the rest may be part
of a broader settlement of the conflict, but must also include comparable
reparations for Jews whose homes and property were seized by Arab
governments.
We cannot turn back the clock; we must look toward a future
where the Palestinian refugees live peacefully in a state of their own beside
Israel.
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